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Posts tagged Free Market

Conservatism and the Free Market

It always amazes me, being familiar with the history of political thought, when conservative book companies put out book after book about conservative social values and then complement them by a few fawning books about the free market. The reason for this is that conservatism, as originally established, was anti-free market. The folks who held this position weren't holding it out of any special

…and the Profit Motive

So, following on from trying to explain to fellow liberals why they should not misunderstand, and fear, the idea of "markets in everything" there's another demon that often accompanies phrases containing "markets" that needs slaying: "profit".  For very many social liberals in the modern Liberal Democrats "profit" and its ability to incentivise choices and actions, a.k.a the "profit motive", is as dirty a phrase as "free market".  

It is another off those words/phrases that conjure up in many something to do with exploitation, greed, and for those of us of a certain age, again, the seeming obsession with material wealth and in particular making money that characterised the 1980s at least in popular culture.  Think profit and people think of Gordon Gecko in "Wall Street" or Harry Enfield's ugly caricature "Loadsamoney".

It came up the other day in a thread on Andrew Lansley's proposals for the NHS on LibDem Voice.  I suggested that it was economic naivety to think that any organisation could know whether it was on the right track, being successful, sustainable and efficient and putting its resources where they are most wanted, without "profit".  I was almost instantly bombarded with suggestions that, for example, we don't need "profiteering" but just sound democratically decided aims and just incentives.  As if, somehow, "profit" is neither democratic nor a just incentive.

As a strong supporter of social enterprise, mutualism, charitable aid rather than state welfare and so on, I hate to hear many such organisations described as "non-profit" or part of the "not-for-profit sector" again, with the implication that profit is all rather seedy, greedy or just plain bad.  It is not.  At its simplest, "profit" is the essential market signal that tells people and organisations either that what they are already doing is sustainable or that what they propose to do is likely to be worth the effort and resources put into it.

In fact, just as I suggested that there are "markets in everything" so there has to be "profit in everything".  Of course, profit need not be valued in monetary terms, but the singular advantage monetary profit has is that it is much more objective than any "softer" profit, especially for any transactions involving more than just one individual and another swapping something they each value less for something they value more.  But the essential point is that in a truly free competitive market both parties to a transaction must feel they are benefiting - feel that what they are getting is worth more to them than what they are giving up to get it.

Again in a truly free and competitive marketplace, profit should tend toward some minimal return needed to keep production going.  If competitors or potential competitors see another making high profits, it signals that, for example, there may be an undersupply of whatever good is being produced and that they could share in some of that profit, particularly if they could just be marginally more efficient, or shave costs just a little.  Or it might indicate that there's some new technology being used that has enabled a competitor to produce at lower cost whilst still selling at a price dictated by thee less technologically advanced producers' costs.

So why do we seem to have such a problem with "profit" - such a problem that even the Tories ruled out having "for profit" companies taking on their free schools?  After all, many of the adjectives often accompanying "profit" are essentially used negatively, pejoratively - "excessive profit", "monopoly profit" and similar.

Well, such phrases indicate above all an unfree market.  And, whilst there may be many factors that make a market unfree, for the most part they can be traced back to some kind of state interference.  

Most obviously, of course, state monopolisation or near complete dominance of a market, such as with, say, education, healthcare or roads in the UK, where they can ignore the price mechanism and profit-related signals about financial sustainability, by passing laws to force us all to share the costs through tax.  Then there's subsidy to one producer rather than another.  Regulations that one sort of producer is able to absorb more than others.  Regulations explicitly designed to restrict competition.  

Even some things that we often regard as "natural monopolies" can be greatly exaggerated by state interference.  Planning restrictions on land, for example, greatly benefit the owners of those locations that already have permission for use by one type of producer, effectively preventing other competitors entering a market and increasing the "scarcity rent".  State enforcement of intellectual property, particularly in the form of patents on new technology helps those who have the technology maintain its exclusivity and therefore charge "scarcity rent" over competitors.  Even welfare policies that subsidise unemployment, whilst well meaning, will depress the costs of labour as there will always be a pool of labour able to undercut those already in employment.

And there may be even more subtle interferences that are hardly noticed.  Since the real costs of roads, for example, are spread amongst all users, whether they use this "essential public infrastructure" every day or once a month are effectively a subsidy to those organisations that can afford to make the most use of this essentially "free" resource.  You can think of big retailers whose supply chains are large enough to be constantly in motion as having rent free state provided warehouse space - on wheels, permanently trundling around the roads.

Furthermore, as I said in the piece about freed markets, the state cannot help but operate this way, democratic or otherwise.  In fact, democratic states are the worst of the lot in some respects, because the very model of presenting competing platforms to get elected, and that the "winner takes all" and can implement their policies favouring one interest group over another and claiming the legitimacy of a "democratic mandate" stifles criticism.  The cronyism of a tyrannical state can at least be criticised (by outsiders if not by the oppressed citizens) as overt favouritism and corruption.

There may be good arguments that justify some kind of collective action to assist people genuinely unable to afford something that we feel is necessary for a decent quality of life (I don't think there are, but that mutual self help and non-state charitable aid can perform the same function perfectly adequately) but that does not, for example, justify state monopolisation of a particular good.  

Take Lloyd-George's welfare reforms a century ago.  At the time of the 1909 budget he was citing examples of how so many people were already covered, through mutuals and friendly societies and the like, for unemployment through sickness and wanted to find a way of using that competitive market for those the state might need to assist.  In the end, we have a state monopoly of welfare that has crowded out most of the market competition and which we can no longer really say for sure whether it is efficient, sustainable or competitive or not.

We should not criticise or fear profit in itself, but we should eradicate the state interferences in free markets that distort markets and give advantage to some producers over others.  For, as Kevin Carson says in his preface to his book "Studies in Mutualist Political-Economy":

...coercive state policies are not necessary to remedy the evils of present-day capitalism. All these evils--exploitation of labor, monopoly and concentration, the energy crisis, pollution, waste--result from government intervention in the market on behalf of capitalists. The solution is not more government intervention, but to eliminate the existing government intervention from which the problems derive. A genuine free market society, in which all transactions are voluntary and all costs are internalized in price, would be a decentralized society of human-scale production, in which all of labor's product went to labor, instead of to capitalists, landlords and government bureaucrats. [Carson, Kevin A., "Studies in Mutualist Political Economy", Preface]

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…and the Profit Motive

So, following on from trying to explain to fellow liberals why they should not misunderstand, and fear, the idea of "markets in everything" there's another demon that often accompanies phrases containing "markets" that needs slaying: "profit".  For very many social liberals in the modern Liberal Democrats "profit" and its ability to incentivise choices and actions, a.k.a the "profit motive", is as dirty a phrase as "free market".  

It is another off those words/phrases that conjure up in many something to do with exploitation, greed, and for those of us of a certain age, again, the seeming obsession with material wealth and in particular making money that characterised the 1980s at least in popular culture.  Think profit and people think of Gordon Gecko in "Wall Street" or Harry Enfield's ugly caricature "Loadsamoney".

It came up the other day in a thread on Andrew Lansley's proposals for the NHS on LibDem Voice.  I suggested that it was economic naivety to think that any organisation could know whether it was on the right track, being successful, sustainable and efficient and putting its resources where they are most wanted, without "profit".  I was almost instantly bombarded with suggestions that, for example, we don't need "profiteering" but just sound democratically decided aims and just incentives.  As if, somehow, "profit" is neither democratic nor a just incentive.

As a strong supporter of social enterprise, mutualism, charitable aid rather than state welfare and so on, I hate to hear many such organisations described as "non-profit" or part of the "not-for-profit sector" again, with the implication that profit is all rather seedy, greedy or just plain bad.  It is not.  At its simplest, "profit" is the essential market signal that tells people and organisations either that what they are already doing is sustainable or that what they propose to do is likely to be worth the effort and resources put into it.

In fact, just as I suggested that there are "markets in everything" so there has to be "profit in everything".  Of course, profit need not be valued in monetary terms, but the singular advantage monetary profit has is that it is much more objective than any "softer" profit, especially for any transactions involving more than just one individual and another swapping something they each value less for something they value more.  But the essential point is that in a truly free competitive market both parties to a transaction must feel they are benefiting - feel that what they are getting is worth more to them than what they are giving up to get it.

Again in a truly free and competitive marketplace, profit should tend toward some minimal return needed to keep production going.  If competitors or potential competitors see another making high profits, it signals that, for example, there may be an undersupply of whatever good is being produced and that they could share in some of that profit, particularly if they could just be marginally more efficient, or shave costs just a little.  Or it might indicate that there's some new technology being used that has enabled a competitor to produce at lower cost whilst still selling at a price dictated by thee less technologically advanced producers' costs.

So why do we seem to have such a problem with "profit" - such a problem that even the Tories ruled out having "for profit" companies taking on their free schools?  After all, many of the adjectives often accompanying "profit" are essentially used negatively, pejoratively - "excessive profit", "monopoly profit" and similar.

Well, such phrases indicate above all an unfree market.  And, whilst there may be many factors that make a market unfree, for the most part they can be traced back to some kind of state interference.  

Most obviously, of course, state monopolisation or near complete dominance of a market, such as with, say, education, healthcare or roads in the UK, where they can ignore the price mechanism and profit-related signals about financial sustainability, by passing laws to force us all to share the costs through tax.  Then there's subsidy to one producer rather than another.  Regulations that one sort of producer is able to absorb more than others.  Regulations explicitly designed to restrict competition.  

Even some things that we often regard as "natural monopolies" can be greatly exaggerated by state interference.  Planning restrictions on land, for example, greatly benefit the owners of those locations that already have permission for use by one type of producer, effectively preventing other competitors entering a market and increasing the "scarcity rent".  State enforcement of intellectual property, particularly in the form of patents on new technology helps those who have the technology maintain its exclusivity and therefore charge "scarcity rent" over competitors.  Even welfare policies that subsidise unemployment, whilst well meaning, will depress the costs of labour as there will always be a pool of labour able to undercut those already in employment.

And there may be even more subtle interferences that are hardly noticed.  Since the real costs of roads, for example, are spread amongst all users, whether they use this "essential public infrastructure" every day or once a month are effectively a subsidy to those organisations that can afford to make the most use of this essentially "free" resource.  You can think of big retailers whose supply chains are large enough to be constantly in motion as having rent free state provided warehouse space - on wheels, permanently trundling around the roads.

Furthermore, as I said in the piece about freed markets, the state cannot help but operate this way, democratic or otherwise.  In fact, democratic states are the worst of the lot in some respects, because the very model of presenting competing platforms to get elected, and that the "winner takes all" and can implement their policies favouring one interest group over another and claiming the legitimacy of a "democratic mandate" stifles criticism.  The cronyism of a tyrannical state can at least be criticised (by outsiders if not by the oppressed citizens) as overt favouritism and corruption.

There may be good arguments that justify some kind of collective action to assist people genuinely unable to afford something that we feel is necessary for a decent quality of life (I don't think there are, but that mutual self help and non-state charitable aid can perform the same function perfectly adequately) but that does not, for example, justify state monopolisation of a particular good.  

Take Lloyd-George's welfare reforms a century ago.  At the time of the 1909 budget he was citing examples of how so many people were already covered, through mutuals and friendly societies and the like, for unemployment through sickness and wanted to find a way of using that competitive market for those the state might need to assist.  In the end, we have a state monopoly of welfare that has crowded out most of the market competition and which we can no longer really say for sure whether it is efficient, sustainable or competitive or not.

We should not criticise or fear profit in itself, but we should eradicate the state interferences in free markets that distort markets and give advantage to some producers over others.  For, as Kevin Carson says in his preface to his book "Studies in Mutualist Political-Economy":

...coercive state policies are not necessary to remedy the evils of present-day capitalism. All these evils--exploitation of labor, monopoly and concentration, the energy crisis, pollution, waste--result from government intervention in the market on behalf of capitalists. The solution is not more government intervention, but to eliminate the existing government intervention from which the problems derive. A genuine free market society, in which all transactions are voluntary and all costs are internalized in price, would be a decentralized society of human-scale production, in which all of labor's product went to labor, instead of to capitalists, landlords and government bureaucrats. [Carson, Kevin A., "Studies in Mutualist Political Economy", Preface]

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The Freed Market

It seems to me that one of the most ill-defined, or perhaps ill-understood terms I come across in discussions on mainly Lib Dem blogs and forums is some permutation of "market" (as a noun or an adjective - as in "market forces" or "market mechanisms" say - on its own), "free market" or "free market capitalism".

If I mention that I am a "market anarchist" or similar, some seem to think this means that I must be the natural child of the diabolical union of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.  I even have a troll/stalker on here who pops up in comments every now and again (yes, you know you are not welcome and you know who you are so I don't know why you persist) who seems to think that I am a corporate whore (or rather than anyone who believes that Herbert Spencer had anything good to say at all in his entire life must be such a corporate shill - he doesn't believe in fallacious arguments either I don't think).

No amount of protestation or attempted explanation on my part seems to be able to disabuse some of these people.  The amount of rumpy pumpy that Maggie and Ronnie must have got up to is mind-boggling, since it's not just me who gets it - anyone who dares to consider themselves an "economic liberal" gets it, anyone who can identify or be identified with the "Orange Book" gets it.  It's as if economic liberalism began with and was defined by these two big state deficit raising conservatives in the nineteen-eighties.

So I am always on the look out when I read, hear or see libertarians more erudite and succinct in their explanations than I am for explanations of what I think of as "market" or the "freed market" that might make some better sense for these people than I seem to be able to.

You'll recall that I mentioned briefly in an earlier post that I had signed up for a couple of online courses in "Anarchist Theory and Practice" being offered by the Centre For a Stateless Society.  C4SS can be broadly defined as a "left-libertarian market-anarchist - and Mutualist - think-tank" one of whose leading lights, Kevin Carson, I have often mentioned whose strapline of "free-market anti-capitalism" was what got me interested in anarchism/libertarianism in the first place (having been led probably like many of you to understand by friends and colleagues that all libertarians were right-wing moonbats following a devil-take-the-hindmost ideology that worshipped selfishness and plutocracy).

Anyway, in one of the modules we are using a pilot series of video lectures "An Introduction to Anarchism" by one of the academics who writes for and advices the Centre, Gary Chartier, a California based legal scholar/university professor/occasional blogger.  The series we're using, as well as a few others, are all in playlist form on my YouTube channel.  But I want to direct you to something he says in the Introduction to the course video which I think quite succinctly explains my understanding of the term "market" when I use it in the sense of "I believe in free markets" (rather than state intervention) or "I am a market-anarchist".

From about 7 minutes into the clip, Gary is talking about what we mean by "markets" in this sense.  He says that

To talk of "market anarchism" is really to talk of the freedom of people to craft their own strategies for social interaction, social co-operation, for problem solving, together...Here at the Centre For a Stateless Society we use "market" as an umbrella term for the whole arena of voluntary co-operations, not just about commercial exchange."

...and for me that says it well.  The "market" does not, for me and many libertarians, mean "Tesco versus ASDA" competing to see how much they can fleece from you - that is a feature of "state capitalism" and privilege: exactly, it is true, what liberals should be opposing.  Not Tesco or ASDA per se I should add but the way in which the state interferes in markets - often initially with good intentions, perhaps - and creates or bolsters oligopoly and monopoly and rewards cronyism.  "The market" means the opposite of the state - the way of working that involves voluntary co-operation rather than coerced co-operation which is how the state works - which is the only way, setting aside whether your political ideology believes it can justify this in some "greater good" or similar argument, a state can in fact work.

These opposites echo Franz Oppenheimer's idea of the origin of the state in how humans achieve self survival.  In "The State, Its History and Development Viewed Sociologically":

There are two fundamentally opposed means whereby man, requiring sustenance, is impelled to obtain the necessary means for satisfying his desires. These are work and robbery, one’s own labor and the forcible appropriation of the labor of others...[for the purposes of his argument] one’s own labor and the equivalent exchange of one’s own labor for the labor of others, the “economic means” for the satisfaction of needs, while the unrequited appropriation of the labor of others will be called the “political means.” 

The state, Oppenheimer goes on to explain, is "an organization of the political means", or, in other words, that the state is (and as he explains in fact originated as) the way in which those people organise, create rules and so forth that gets someone else's labour to feed them and sustain them get together and do so.  That may sound an overly harsh definition, but think about it for a moment: can you name any other way of sustaining your life - no, there are only two - you provide for yourself, or you find a way of getting someone else to do so for you.  

A continual theme in libertarian scholarship since, from Albert Jay Nock down to the present, has been that because we are (naturally) inclined to minimise our efforts in sustaining ourselves - not the least because it makes more time for the "higher needs" of recreation and mental and spiritual growth (or that it is more "efficient" in economic language and "maximises utility") - then there is a great temptation to focus on how to get someone else to sustain you if you possibly can.  You could say that humanity has a "more or less intrinsic tendency toward an objective moral evil" if you will.

We may also object that it may have been a good definition for feudal states but that now we are in "liberal democracies" this has changed, that the state is consensual, even sometimes "voluntary" (because we get to choose it and its policies - something else out of the course so far that I will want to return to perhaps in a later post).  But its methods remain the same, even if its beneficiaries are very different, and even feel they can justify it on utilitarian grounds, humanitarian grounds or "social liberal" grounds.  

Just because the beneficiaries of the feudal state were few and its victims many, where it may be said (wrongly I believe) that the opposite is the case under "liberal democracy" does not mean it has found a way miraculously to be non-coercive - for everyone somehow allocated resources by the state there are others who have them taken from them under the threat of legal sanction, because "my gang's more powerful than your gang".  Rightly or wrongly, we can argue, but you cannot actually refute that that is how it works.  Once you legitimise any institution that can create its own "victims" it has the potential to end up in arbitrariness and totalitarianism - and that is what privilege is - law that gives artificial advantage to one interest over another, to create "beneficiaries" and "victims".

The "market" then, is the organisation of Oppenheimer's "economic means" - the voluntary interactions between people by which they freely swap things they have for things they need or want without coercion.  That is all.  Its most important, indeed essential, attribute is that it is voluntary, not coercive.  Not that it is all about money.  Or that we are seeking to "monetise everything".  

I hope that future discussions with people who feel the need to sneer at talk of "markets" may be able to take place with this understanding of what many of us who call ourselves advocates of "free (or freed) markets" actually mean by the term.  If anyone has a "one track mind" about "markets" it is those who recoil from it believing it is al about filthy lucre and the "cash nexus" not those of us who see as, in Gary's words, "an umbrella term for the whole arena of voluntary co-operations, not just about commercial exchange".

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The Lodge Doctor

It's that time of year when lots of think tank type organisations are holding their summer schools.  The Mises University is later this month, but the podcasts of the lectures from the Foundation for Economic Education's (FEE) "Freedom University" have just gone online, including the marvellous Sheldon Richman doing an update of his lecture on "Mutual Aid".

If you want to understand why health care in particular is so expensive, and the history of state protectionism of the middle class and wealthier medical professionals, you should listen to it.  This isn't just an American phenomenon.  Recall that Aneurin Bevan was asked at the founding of the NHS how he got the medical profession to agree to the new regime, to which he is supposed to have responded that "I stuffed their mouths with gold".  

In particular, at around 36:30 into the lecture Richman talks about the idea of the "Lodge Doctor" who would be signed up under an annual contract by mutual aid societies, lodges, to provide primary care for all their members through the year.  Many of these doctors would be young doctors trying to make a name, or doctors who qualified from community-based private medical colleges that were set up to serve particular constituencies, such as African-American or women's medical schools for people who were more or less excluded from the middle class university based medical schools.

The medical establishment didn't like this idea.  They liked to get paid handsomely by the hour or the visit and saw these arrangements as a threat to their lucrative way of working.  So they, having more political clout, ganged up and got the state to set up medical registration mechanisms that would exclude graduates of these community based colleges.  And the "Lodge Doctor" became a smear.

But there's another interesting aspect peppered throughout Richman's lecture: that these mutual aid institutions had a more personal touch and peer pressure would prevent people from taking out of the system any more than they needed - there was a moral pressure not to take that extra day of sick pay if you really were ready to return to work.  Now this kind of peer group pressure is what stands behind the repayment success of things like micro-credit organisations such as Grameen Bank today.  In their case, you form a group of local people who want to borrow to fund their business idea, and only one gets to borrow at any one time, and so the others maintain the pressure to repay on time so they can get their turn at borrowing the money.

Yet our universal welfare system, so prevalent in the western world, maintained by an overbearing and bloated state run bureaucracy, can never be mutually reinforcing in this way.  It has to set broad rules that then creates a system to be milked.  Is it any wonder the money is running out on these state welfare Ponzi schemes?

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Study: Pot Prohibition Raises Cost Almost 1000%

The RAND Corporation estimates the legalization of marijuana would lower the untaxed price to $38/oz.

The prohibition of marijuana raises the price per ounce almost ten-fold, a recent study by the RAND Drug Policy Research Center found [.pdf]. Prohibition in the state of California is costing the government an estimated $300m-per-year to enforce.

“The authors predict that retail marijuana prices could drop from $375 an ounce under the state’s current medical marijuana law to as low as $38-per-ounce,” Lisa Leff reported today at the Associated Press.

The study is in light of a state ballot initiative to legalize the possession of no more than an ounce of marijuana by adults, 21 and over, called the Regulate, Control, and Tax Cannabis Act of 2010 (RCTC Prop). For no special reason, the study suggests “a uniform $50-per-ounce excise tax throughout the state” that would raise the cost to around $91-per-ounce at point-of-sale after all taxes.

The study calculates a consumer of one gram-per-day would then lose an annual $644 to the State in taxes, compared to the $685 annual loss by pack-a-day cigarette smokers. Lifting prohibition would still lower the price on the gray market to $68-per-ounce, it added.

It also estimates that consumption would rise 3% per 10%-price-fall, but also that potency would rise by up to 77%.

RAND suggests granting the Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control to regulate marijuana. Add in that this is a government ploy to cash in on a low-maintenance crop that people enjoy and there you have the $50 excise tax.

The regime of drug prohibition has become “the new Jim Crow”, according to legal scholar Michelle Alexander, as it has set up a “racial caste system” in the U.S. She discussed the gruesome, racist elements of the so-called ‘War on Drugs’ that legitimize mass kidnapping and blacklisting for victimless crimes—crimes by assertion. Watch the interview with Democracy Now! here.

U.S. drug policy has escalated the brutal violence across the Mexican border and a March 2009 study by Human Rights Watch confirmed what anti-prohibition and rights activists have been screaming for years—that no matter what the rhetoric, the policy is a racist, society degenerator.

“There’s never been a medical reason to criminalize marijuana, only class,” Professor Noam Chomsky said years ago.

Drug arrests have “risen sharply in the past 20 years”, RAND found, adding that 80% of marijuana-related arrests “are now for simple possession”.

The rate of possession arrests per capita rose sharply in the United States in the 1990s, from about 89 per 100,000 population in 1991 to 223 in 1997. Since then, the number has risen more slowly, approaching 250 per 100,000 in 2008 (about 750,000 arrests in total). Sales arrests rose much more slowly from 1990 to 2008; instead of the nearly 200-percent increase for possession, sales arrests nationally rose only about 40 percent between 1990 and 2008.

[...]

There are approximately 1,500 marijuana prisoners in California, but most felony marijuana offenders in California state courts sentenced to incarceration go to jail, not prison. It is important to note, however, that these felony data do not give a precise picture of the flow of marijuana offenders to jail. They exclude those who are sentenced to jail after a misdemeanor conviction, which might be the result of a plea agreement. They also do not include those who spend time in jail before they are sentenced, which may be a more significant omission. There is much more that can be learned about the disposition of marijuana arrests in California.

There are thousands getting blacklisted and doing time because of these draconian laws and the price to them, the workforce and their communities are a large price we can never fully calculate.


Filed under: National News Tagged: AB 2254, black market, criminal justice, drug war, free market, gray market, libertarian, liberty, marijuana, pot, prisons, RAND Corporation, RCTC proposition, SB 1449, US, War on Drugs

Sauvik Chakravarti On Eco-Statism

Sauvik Chakravarti at Antidote on human-hating environmentalism: “Next: look at the different “utopias” of libertarians and environmentalists. Libertarians idealise the most perfect freedom. Environmentalists idealise “pristine” Nature. They are all from cities – but they love the jungle. They love beasts – the tigers and the elephants – and never consider [...]

Evening Briefing—11th June 2010

News and views from around the web posted to the Wonderland Wire:


Filed under: Daily Briefing Tagged: Afghanistan, Ahmadinejad, anarchism, Andy Worthington, Bill Clinton, Bliderberg, boycott, BP, BP cleanup workers, Bradley Manning, Charles Schumer, China, Communism, David Cameron, David Sanger, drug war, economic sanctions, Elena Kaga, EU, fiat currency, free market, Freedom Flotilla, Gary Chartier, Gaza blockade, Guantanamo Bay, Gulf oil spill, Hamid Karzai, IAEA, India, internet censorship, Iran, Japan, Jason Ditz, Julian Assange, Justin Raimondo, Kevin Carson, libertarian, market-anarchism, Mexico, Murray Rothbard, NATO, Pakistan, Punjab, Reliance Communications, Reliance Industries, renminbi, RFK CEnter for Justice and Human Rights, Russia, s-300, Singapore, Somalia, terrorism, The War is Making You Poor Act, TTP, UK, UNSC, US, USSR, War on Terror, Whitewater, Wikileaks

Daily Briefing—8th June 2010

News and views from around the web posted to the Wonderland Wire:


Filed under: Daily Briefing Tagged: Af-Pak War, Afghanistan, Alan Fisher, Anastasio Hernandez, AntiWar Radi, AntiWar radio, Arab League, Ben Smith, Bhopal, Blackwater, BP, Bradley Manning, Brian Ross, Chicago Public Schools, China, Chris Hedges, Christofascists, CIA, Collateral Murder, Congo, Costa Rica, CPS, David Friedman, DPRK, DRC, economic sanctions, Egypt, Erik Prince, eurozone, Farah Massacre, Felipe Calderon, free market, Gaza blackade, gold, Grenai Massacre, Guatemala, healthcare, Honda, IAEA, immigration, Iran, Iraq War, Jeff Stein, Kevin Carson, Kurdistan, labor unions, Maggie Hberman, Mexico, Mexico drug war, national debt, NATO, Noah Shachtman, North Korea, PTSD, Red Crescent, Saudi Arabia, Scott Horton, Somalia, South Korea, Sri Lanka, stem cell research, tasers, terrorism, The Machinery of Freedom, UN Security Council, war crimes, Wikileaks, Xe

More on BP’s Fate in a Free Market

Kevin Carson’s repsponse to comments on his previous post, “BP Would Be Toast in a Truly Free Market.”

7 June 2010 | C4SS

Having read some interesting commentary on my previous column on British Petroleum (BP), I thought I’d do a follow-up to clarify and expand on a few things.

Shawn Wilbur, a leading scholar in the history of the individualist/mutualist tradition in addition to being an anarchist himself, agrees that oil companies like BP would be far less able to externalize costs on the public in a free market order, absent such privileges as caps on liability.  But he goes on to raise the issue of the “many kinds of value and interest” that are not adequately represented by markets:

“After all, sea turtles and brown pelicans don’t get any more of a vote in the market than they do in elections or campaign contributions. Private property conventions tend to establish a separation of interests not reflected in, or respected by, the circulatory systems of the biosphere …”

Gary Chartier, a market anarchist professor at La Sierra University, commented that since sea turtles lack any means of effectively asserting or defending rights on their own behalf, their interests in any system—whether under statism, market anarchy, or any other kind of anarchy—depend entirely on the existence of human beings who identify those interests with their own.

I would add that the present system includes many structural barriers that prevent humans who value the interests of other species or of the ecosystem from expressing that valuation in the marketplace.  For example, federal lease auctions allow only companies from the relevant industry (lumber, mining, etc.) to bid on access to federal land.  That means conservationists who value holding land out of use are banned from the bidding process, that the winning bid is hence lower than it likely would otherwise have been, and that resource extraction is artificially profitable.  Federal preemption of vacant land means, likewise, that the privileged access granted by the federal government is uncontested by other previous claimants.

Were vacant land not preempted by the state and then granted on a privileged basis, then the oil, mining and lumber companies could establish legitimate homestead rights only over the land that they were capable of effectively developing and fully prepared to economically exploit at any given time.  In the meantime, other groups might have homesteaded significant parcels of land with the intention of homesteading it.  As Wilbur himself states in the comments under his post, “active conservation”—like “a wildlife corridor, or critical wetland, or scenic area”—is “pretty obviously a use.”  In a free market regime with open homesteading, lumber and other extractive industries would have to buy out such competition at whatever price the latter demanded, if they were willing to sell at all.

As I mentioned in another post, one reason the ecosystem in West Virginia has had so little protection against mountaintop removal, is that the property rights of small owners had so little protection against expropriation, and the surrounding communities had been robbed of so much of their common law protection against tortious action by the mining companies against their air and water.  As chronicled in the movie “Matewan,” the first white homesteaders in West Virginia—who mostly lacked formal title to their land, having settled when government was still quite irregular—were later expropriated by the mining companies, who could afford to buy both good lawyers and bad legislators.

Iain McKay, principal author of An Anarchist FAQ, raises the question of how a free market liability regime, which only operates after the fact, could prevent something like the Deepwater Horizons disaster from happening in the first place.  And would the threat of penalties after the fact be sufficient to deter such bad behavior—especially given the normal human tendency to underestimate risk and the cognitive bias toward gambling on huge potential payoffs?  By the time tort damages were imposed, even if they meant a corporate death sentence, the damage would already have been done.

True enough—but how is that different from any other system?  I don’t think there’s any system that would address pollution ex ante. The regulatory state was supposed to prevent risky behavior ex ante, and we see how that turned out. If the point is to “deter people… doing potentially dangerous things,” by definition the approach is of behavior modification based on the anticipated consequences of one’s actions ex post. And I expect the threat of a “corporate death sentence” with all assets liquidated to pay the full cleanup costs and economic damages from a big spill (in addition to cleaning out the bank accounts of execs personally guilty of deliberate criminal negligence) is at least as effective as the threat of a fine from the U.S. Enviroment Protection Agency for inadequate safety measures.

There’s no system in which the operations would not be carried out by human beings with a tendency to underestimate long-term cost and risks compared to short-term gratification.

If market anarchy is to be compared justly either to statism or to other forms of anarchy, it must be compared to the alternatives as they would likely be administered by actual, grubby human beings.  It is not intellectually honest to compare a market anarchy run with an average level of human competence to a regulatory state run with some never-yet-attained level of ideal efficiency.

Kevin Carson is a research associate at the Center for a Stateless Society, contemporary mutualist author and individualist anarchist whose written work includes Studies in Mutualist Political Economy and Organization Theory: An Individualist Anarchist Perspective. Mr. Carson has also written for a variety of internet-based journals and blogs, including Just Things, The Art of the Possible, the P2P Foundation and his own Mutualist Blog.


Filed under: National News, Political Science Tagged: anarchism, anti-Statism, BP, C4SS, capitalism, corporatism, EPA, free market, Gary Chartier, Gulf oil spill, Iain McKay, Kevin Carson, land grants, law, libertarian, limited liability, market-anarchism, Shawn Wilbur, state capitalism, US